Ahmad al-Rubaye/AFP.

Iraq's Vice President and Secretary General of the Islamic party, Tareq al-Hashemi and party member Iyad al-Samarai address a press conference in Baghdad on Wednesday.

Tariq al-Hashemi, leader of the Iraqi Islamic Party and the Vice President of Iraq, unveiled on Wednesday a proposed “national contract” for Iraq. Hashemi has been seeking signatories and endorsements, including from Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani, who apparently gave the document his blessing at a meeting in Najaf on Thursday. An original translation of the Arabic-language document as obtained by IraqSlogger appears below. The document begins with an introduction, then lists 25 principles to which form the basis of the project, followed by six points regarding the methods available to endorse the project.

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The Iraqi National Contract

Introduction

Four years have passed since the invasion of Iraq, and the lack of security and stability still prevails today, and the situation continues to deteriorate in all different areas, despite the efforts, funds, and sacrifices that have been offered for the sake of the success of a deadlocked political process, to say nothing of many conferences, symposia, documents and agreements, perhaps the most prominent of which were the final statement of the reconciliation agreement that was published in November 2005, and the Mecca document that was published after that in 2006, and likewise the documents that were published regarding the international pact in Sharm al-Shaykh. This failure, in spite of all the efforts that have been offered up, means, simply, that there are massive real challenges facing Iraqis in the normalization of the conditions in their country, which have not been addressed in the appropriate way.

There is no doubt that Iraq’s lack of complete sovereignty, along with flagrant foreign interference in its internal affairs, number among the most advanced of these challenges, and apart from that, there are still challenges between the Iraqis -- serious challenges and deep differences in points of view in a number of political questions and important legislative projects which therefore remain in suspension today.

The real reason for the disparity in points of view is at is base feelings of mutual fear and the prevalence of distrust and doubt, not only between those inside the political process and those outside of it, but even between those who have been inside the political process from its onset. Therefore, the cornerstone is consensus between Iraqis over the goal of unifiying, or bringing closer, their points of view in all aspects of the nation, in specifiying the Iraq of the future, in describing the manner of coexistence inside the national framework, and in sketching the shared features of authority and its legitimacy, of reconciliation and its interpretation, and of the final goals of the process, as well as in federalism and its extent, and besides this in issues that continue to sharply divide the nation, which hampers the opportunities for arriving at consensus, and as a result many subsidiary questions are suspended.

Briefly, if the requirement is to overcome the several challenges through reaching consensus over specific questions required to realize security and stability, then the keys to this are to unify the visions on the basic questions.

The experience of the political process over the last four years confirms the urgent need for this kind of rapprochement, and it seems disappointing that those who are active politically have hesitated from settling this matter even to this moment, despite the fact that the discussion was held behind closed doors. Perhaps the time has now come to sit at the table in frank dialogue to talk about essential and sensitive matters.

In light of the above, the beginning of the solution is in agreement on the following principles, seeking to unify the vision on these questions:

The principles

1. Iraqis are equal before the law, in rights and duties, without discrimination by religion, ethnicity, sect, or political involvement. The foundation is the principle of Iraqi citizenship, that is, Iraqi identity rather than belonging to an ethnicity, a sect, or a party.
2. Ethnic, sectarian, and religious diversity, as well as differences in opinion and vision are positive elements, and it is therefore appropriate to invest in the desired coexistence on the basis of belonging to the nation, in order to preserve the unity of Iraq against fragmentation and division.
3. The crimes committed on the basis of identity are a kind of corruption on the earth that are forbidden by God and must be condemned and combated.
4. The blood of Iraqis, and their funds, and their honor, are sacred, and it is not acceptable to submit an Iraqi to murder, or victimization, or intimidation, or hatred because of his sect or creed or ethnicity.
5. Rejection of extremism and takfir, and combating it, as well as insults, epithets, and derogatory descriptions by each party towards the other.
6. Sanctity for the houses of worship, whether mosques or (Shi'a) hussayniyaat and likewise places of worship for non-Muslims, for it is not acceptable to violate them or confiscate them, or use them as havens for illegal and illegitimate acts.
7. The Iraqi question is a national question, for the Iraqis to deal with with the utmost degree of independence, and they refuse foreign interference in this question, and their loyalty is to the homeland and no other loyalty surpasses it, even as all are interested at the same time for the establishment and development of bilateral relations with all the countries of the world, at the forefront with the Arab countries and the neighboring countries.
8. Public employment is found in serving the homeland and its citizens and it is not the exclusive property of a party or sect, but rather is available to all those Iraqis who vie for it, according to the standards of equality, integrity, and service to the homeland. There is no exclusion, privation, or dismissal of public employees except according to the law.
9. The legitimacy of those who rule Iraq comes by way of the ballot box, within the bounds of free and fair elections, according to known democratic mechanisms and there is no return to a despotic system of rule of whatever kind or orientation, and there is no legitimacy in the forcible seizure of power, and there is no transfer of authority except by peaceful means.
10. Iraq is a free and independent, federal, united, country, directed by an elected government of civilian institutions, respectful of Islamic values and traditions, and governing according to the standards of justice and impartiality, so there must be no tyranny, no oppression, no authoritarianism, and no despotism.
11. The administration of Iraq by national understanding and the solving of unsettled problems by peaceful means and by consensus, through the political process ongoing at this time, and by working to develop it and guide it.
12. The Kurdistan region represents a nationally accepted special case, and the Kurdish people has the prerogative to administer its affairs according to the constitution, and solutions to outstanding problems will be conducted by consensus.
13. Acknowledgement of Iraq’s Arab and Islamic identity.
14. Iraq directs a modern, strong, civilian government, adopting the national approach and capable of taking difficult decisions in imposing security and order and forbidding armed individuals or groups from challenging or disputing its sovereignty or authority, with the distribution of a reasonable and agreed-upon amount of federalism or decentralization in the administration of the provinces.
15. Rejection of violence and terrorism in all its forms, whatever be the source, to realize social security and civil peace by way of a comprehensive program to combat terrorism and dissolve the militias and groups outside the law.
16. Acknowledgement of the principle of pluralism and acceptance of the opinion of the other, and of the peaceful transfer of power.
17. Commitment to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, and the forbidding of torture, and consideration of prisons and detentions as a means for reform and not of revenge and retaliation.
18. The protection of public funds is a responsibility of all, and the cooperation of all in stopping waste and losses of public funds.
19. True national reconciliation is a reflection of God’s policy of erasing what came before in a way that includes all, without exception, versus (merely) setting down arms, and the faith in a free and democratic federal pluralist Iraq, and the unequivocal commitment to the democratic method and its worthiness, and the rejection of all forms of imposing faits accomplis by force or taking power by unconstitutional means.
20. The constitution is a social contract binding on all Iraqis and it is therefore necessary that it be written by consensus.
21. True partnership means real opportunities before all to rise in their responsibilities in the administration of the state without marginalization or dismissal, in the framework of the constitution.
22. The armed forces belong to all, and their loyalty is to the homeland and not to a party or sect or group, and it is necessary to guarantee their neutrality and professionalism and nationalism. Their task is to impose security and order and to protect the state and its institutions and authority, and to respond to aggression. Weapons are to be in the hand of the state exclusively, and it is not permitted to form armed groups or militias for any purpose except according to the constitution.
23. The natural resources described in the text of the constitution are the property of all the Iraqi people and are to be administered by the government by consensus on the policies and the laws and procedures.
24. Resistance is a legitimate right of all occupied peoples, however, terrorism does not count as resistance.
25. Media discourse should serve the goal of national reconciliation.

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The agreement to the above principles may be conducted at more than one level:

General referendum, or

1. The agreement of the leaders of the principal political entities in direct dialogue, or
2. A mass gathering attended by representatives of the parties and organizations of international society, and social, religious, and political independent figures, inside and outside the political process.
3. International attendance is necessary, such as the United Nations, or regional such as the Arab League, or some of the neighboring countries (to be agreed upon) as witnesses and guarantors.
4. Publication of a statement announcing the acceptance and confirming the desire of the signatory parties to the commitment and specifiying a time for launching (the pact) and an agreed-upon time limit.
5. The guarantor states and parties will conduct their role in oversight and verification through duly authorized committees with the powers of reward and sanction.

(END)